The first container ships pass through the Strait of Hormuz: A signal, but not a turning point
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Prefer Xpert.Digital on GoogleⓘPublished on: March 31, 2026 / Updated on: March 31, 2026 – Author: Konrad Wolfenstein

The first container ships pass through the Strait of Hormuz: A signal, but not a turning point – Image: Xpert.Digital
China's freighters are sailing, the West is at a standstill: Iran's new toll system in the Persian Gulf
Secret codes and million-dollar fees: This is how Iran suddenly controls global shipping
Thousands of sailors trapped: The dramatic ship jam in the Strait of Hormuz
In the spring of 2026, the situation in the Middle East escalated dramatically: Following military clashes, Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz – the most important chokepoint for global oil and commodity trade. While energy markets reacted with massive price spikes and thousands of ships were stranded in the Persian Gulf, Tehran established a perfidious control system. For the time being, only ships from allied states like China and Russia were allowed to pass through a "safe corridor"; Western shipping companies were excluded. The blockade was no longer just a military crisis, but a geopolitical show of force that could plunge the global economy into a new era of stagflation. The first passages of Chinese container ships now sent an ambivalent signal: The route was passable – but only for those who submitted to Iran's rules.
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On February 28, 2026, the United States and Israel jointly attacked military targets in Iran. What followed was not merely an escalation of an already tense region, but the beginning of an economic upheaval of global proportions. Even before the first day of fighting had ended, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, broadcasting on international maritime radio channel 16, ordered all ships to immediately halt their voyages – the Strait of Hormuz was closed. The reaction of the energy markets was immediate and brutal: the price of Brent crude oil rose by almost 8 percent within hours, while diesel prices climbed by as much as 17 percent – levels last seen in the immediate postwar years. The Dow Jones Industrial Average lost around 530 points shortly after trading opened, the Nasdaq Composite fell by 1.4 percent, while the price of gold rose by more than 2 percent.
The strategic background of this reaction is simple, but its implications can hardly be overstated: The narrow strait between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, only 55 kilometers wide, normally carries around one-fifth of all global oil trade. Before the war, between 80 and 100 tankers passed through the strait daily. Qatar, one of the world's leading exporters of liquefied natural gas (LNG), ships almost all of its LNG via this route – roughly one-fifth of global LNG trade. The closure of this route is therefore not a regional issue, but a global disruption to supplies.
Hundreds of ships, thousands of sailors – trapped in the Gulf
The full extent of the crisis became apparent in the first days of March. On March 4, 2026, the Revolutionary Guard officially announced that they had gained complete control of the Strait of Hormuz. By that time, shipping traffic had already plummeted by an estimated 88 to 100 percent. Hundreds of ships were stranded in the Persian Gulf – a geographical dead end with no escape except through Hormuz.
The maritime analysis firm Clarksons Research estimated the number of ships waiting in the Persian Gulf at around 3,200, representing approximately four percent of the entire global commercial fleet. The German Shipowners' Association (VDR) reported that over 2,000 merchant vessels with more than 20,000 crew members were forced to remain in the region. At least 50 ships from German shipping companies alone, with around 1,000 crew members, were stranded in the crisis zone. VDR President Gaby Bornheim confirmed that there had already been injuries and fatalities. The association's managing director, Martin Kröger, put it bluntly: the risk of being fired upon was real.
Hapag-Lloyd, Germany's largest shipping company, suspended all transits through the strait until further notice. The French company CMA CGM instructed its ships to seek refuge in safe ports. The insurance industry across the board suspended coverage for voyages through the strait – without insurance, no shipping company in the world is able or willing to send its ships into an active war zone.
The Revolutionary Guard's toll system: Control as a geopolitical tool
Parallel to military pressure, Iran developed a sophisticated strategy that went far beyond mere force. Beginning on March 13, 2026, the Revolutionary Guard established a so-called "safe corridor" between the Iranian islands of Larak and Qeshm—a passage through Iranian territorial waters that formally offered a way out, but in reality meant complete submission to Iranian control. Based on shipping data and several insider sources, Lloyd's List magazine revealed how this system worked in detail: Shipping companies had to contact approved intermediaries with ties to the Revolutionary Guard, provide complete ship documentation, obtain clearance codes, and accept passage through the only controlled corridor, escorted by the Revolutionary Guard. Reports indicate that at least one ship paid the equivalent of $2 million for the passage.
Iran also announced that this toll system is intended to be permanent. The geopolitical dimension behind this is obvious: Tehran is creating an infrastructure of dependency that extends far beyond the current conflict and places the relationship between Iran and international shipping on a structurally new footing. Shipping companies participating in the system implicitly accept Iran's sovereignty over one of the world's busiest international shipping routes.
While China, Russia, India, Iraq, and Pakistan are among the countries whose flag states have been officially granted transit rights, Western shipping companies—and German ones in particular—have so far refused to participate. Christopher Long, head of British intelligence at the security firm Neptune P2P Group, put it succinctly: almost all ships currently transiting the Strait of Hormuz are linked to Iran or China.
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Hormuz as a power factor: How the strait is reshaping energy markets
Energy markets in a state of emergency: Between price shock and strategic realignment
The economic consequences of the blockade for the global energy market extend far beyond short-term price fluctuations. The WTI oil price rose to over $93 per barrel. The investment bank Goldman Sachs predicted that the average for March and April could reach $110. Analysts at Bernstein Bank even considered prices between $120 and $150 per barrel possible in an extreme scenario should the conflict prolong. An Iranian general had already floated the idea of prices as high as $200 early in the conflict – a figure that should be understood more as political leverage than a serious market forecast, but which clearly identifies the intention behind Iran's strategy.
What makes this energy crisis particularly serious is that it coincides with a global economy already burdened by trade tariffs. The global tariffs of 10 to 15 percent imposed by the Trump administration are simultaneously suppressing global growth demand and are expected to limit crude oil demand growth to just 850,000 barrels per day in 2026. The combined effect of high energy prices and increased import costs due to tariffs creates a stagflationary scenario—high prices coupled with declining growth—that economists last observed in the 1970s.
For the Gulf states themselves, the blockade paradoxically represents economic self-mutilation: Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Kuwait, and Qatar can no longer process their exports to the usual extent. The data service Kpler has not registered a single cargo ship loaded with iron ore entering the Gulf since the outbreak of war. Industrial imports for Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, which are essential for the local production of manufactured goods, are no longer arriving.
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Detour around the Cape of Good Hope: More expensive, but safe
Since mid-March 2026, a structural reaction has been emerging for container shipping: The route around the Cape of Good Hope – already known since the Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea – is becoming the new standard route for trade between Europe and Asia. This increases transit times by 10 to 14 days, reduces the effectively available shipping capacity, and significantly drives up freight and insurance costs. It is the second fundamental rerouting of global trade within a few months – following the Houthis' restriction of the Suez Canal route, now the de facto closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran.
For shippers and consumers, this means a doubling of geopolitical pressure to reroute goods: Anyone sending or receiving goods from Asia to Europe is paying for routes that are twice as long and twice as risky as they were a year ago. For shipping companies, the situation is ambivalent: Higher freight rates are welcome, but the loss of capacity due to longer routes simultaneously limits supply. Supply chain analysts warn of congestion at the hubs in Singapore and Tanjung Pelepas, Malaysia, if containers from the Persian Gulf can no longer be unloaded.
The first containers through the narrow passage: A signal, but not a turning point
At the end of March 2026, the maneuver, which the trade press considers historic, finally succeeded: Two Chinese container ships belonging to the state-owned company COSCO – the CSCL Indian Ocean and the CSCL Arctic Ocean – passed through the Strait of Hormuz on March 30, 2026, on their second attempt. Their AIS signals briefly disappeared in the area between Qeshm and Larak, only to reappear east of the strait – a pattern that clearly confirms passage through the Iranian-controlled corridor. As early as March 23, the Chinese-owned COSCO had announced that it would resume bookings for general cargo containers to the Persian Gulf. Kpler analyst Rebecca Gerdes emphasized that these were the first container ships under a non-Iranian flag to leave the Persian Gulf since the beginning of the conflict.
By March 30, at least 20 ships had passed through the strait since March 28 – a noticeable increase compared to previous weeks, but still a fraction of pre-war traffic. Other transits included two Indian LPG tankers and a Greek-operated tanker carrying Saudi Arabian crude oil for India. Pakistan's foreign minister announced that his country had received Iranian permits for 20 ships – two per day. Iran only allows passage for ships from countries classified as "friendly": China, Russia, India, Iraq, and Pakistan.
The symbolic significance of these initial passages is considerable – they demonstrate that the corridor is fundamentally passable. However, its economic importance is limited for the time being. The pre-war level of 72 to 90 ships per day is still far from this point. And the structural barriers remain: Western insurance companies still do not cover voyages through the strait, German and European shipping companies reject the Iranian toll system, and as long as hostilities continue, every ship remains a potential target.
Geopolitical reorganization of maritime trade: Who benefits, who loses?
The crisis reveals deeper shifts in maritime geopolitics. China has positioned itself as Iran's preferred partner, thereby securing privileged access to one of the world's most important shipping lanes – while Western countries are excluded. This is no accident, but the result of years of strategic planning. Beijing imports roughly half of its crude oil from the Persian Gulf and has a vital interest in keeping this supply line open. This balancing of interests with Tehran comes at a price – presumably in the form of the transit fees demanded by Iran – but it secures China's economic supply in a way that remains unavailable to Western countries.
For Europe and Germany, this raises a strategic question that extends beyond the current conflict: How dependent do they want to be in the long term on a sea route that can be controlled by a regional power? The crisis demonstrates that developing alternative energy supplies—whether via pipelines to the Red Sea, LNG terminals, or a diversification of energy sources—is no longer an academic debate, but a concrete economic policy necessity. Goldman Sachs and other analysts also see the shock as a catalyst for accelerating the energy transition: An economy less dependent on imported oil is simply less vulnerable to blackmail.
Between negotiation and escalation: The open question of the end
The situation remains volatile and unpredictable. US President Trump initially announced that the US Navy would escort tankers through the strait if necessary. However, the US Energy Secretary admitted that the Navy is currently unable to escort oil tankers through the strait. BIMCO, the international shipping association, described the Trump initiative as "interesting" but emphasized that realistic protection for all vulnerable ships was hardly possible. Silke Lehmköster, fleet manager of Hapag-Lloyd, summed up the shipping companies' skepticism: Hopes are high, but expectations are rather low – after all, the naval vessels are occupied with other tasks.
Iran, meanwhile, has signaled its willingness to seek negotiations with the US and symbolically allowed ten oil tankers to pass through, which Trump interpreted on TruthSocial as a gesture of goodwill. Simultaneously, on the same day, the Revolutionary Guard turned back three other container ships of various nationalities. The pattern is clear: Iran is controlling the opening of the strait as a negotiating tool, granting and withdrawing passage rights according to its diplomatic calculations. The Strait of Hormuz is thus no longer just a shipping route – it has become a geopolitical negotiating table where Tehran holds the cards.
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